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MUSSOLINI AS REVEALED IN HIS POLITICAL SPEECHES

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MUSSOLINI

‘AS REVEALED Poets FOLTTICAL SPEECHES

(NovemBER 1914—AvcusT 1923)

SELECTED, TRANSLATED AND EDITED BY

BARONE BERNARDO QUARANTA di SAN SEVERINO

1923 LONDON & TORONTO

J. M. DENT & SONS LTD.

NEW YORK: E. P. DUTTON & CO.

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To THE PRESIDENT OF THE ITALIAN SENATE

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INTRODUCTION A NOTE ON ITALIAN FASCISMO

In an interesting article published last year in our Press, Ettore Ciccotti shows that Italian Fascismo does not repre- sent an absolutely new political event, but is part of the general historic development of nations. In the first years of its appearance it was compared to the “‘krypteia” of Sparta, to the ‘“‘eterie” of Athens, and to similar phenomena, which are repeated as a manifestation of self-defence of strong and active groups or classes, uniting and forming centres of resistance; exercising thus, by their extended action, general functions of State in a period in which its protection is weak or inefficient, and shows signs of disin- tegration or degeneration. Other examples of this pheno- menon can be found in the history of the Church and in - the Italian Communes, in England, Germany, in the Clubs of the French Revolution, and in the rest of Europe. When in a nation which shows such signs this form of vitality does not exist, we witness the general collapse of that nation, as in Russia at this moment, where only the radical uproot- ing of Bolshevism might lead to the general resurrection of the country.

The after-war period in Italy, as elsewhere, had caused complete apathy, slackness and disorder in Parliamentary State functions, characterised by many elaborate pro- grammes, but few facts. The Italian working classes, moreover, had been hypnotised by the nefarious gospel of Lenin, which had powerfully contributed to bring about the grave state of affairs in Italy in 1920, when the Communist peril had reached its acute stage. The continued

1x

x A NOTE ON

strikes in all industries had caused prices to rise at a tremendous pace; the production of commodities had been reduced to a minimum; the enormous deficit in the railway and postal departments, the debt and the general budget of the State were alarming, while foreign exchanges had reached fantastic figures. The arrogance of the Communist elements had become unbearable, and officers at times were obliged to dress in plain clothes in order not to be attacked by Bolshevists, while soldiers, Carabineers and Guardie Regie were frequently insulted and in some instances even killed by Communists.

But the gallant fighters of the Trentino, of the Carso and of the Grappa, the volunteers who had saved Italy and arrested the advance of the enemy on the Piave could not reconcile themselves to this state of affairs, to the idea of watching with folded arms the complete loss of the fruits of victory for which half a million men had left their lives on the battlefields. These brave youths, with an indomitable courage, ready to face all, full of the purest ideals and passionate love for our country, representing a new force and a new Italy, had already in April 1919 grouped them- selves together in a “fascio” (bundle), as the “Fascio Nazionale dei Combattenti” (National Fasces of Com- batants), under the leadership of Benito Mussolini, who was the inspirer and organiser of the movement and had himself been their comrade at the front.

They became stronger every day and dealt the initial blow to Communism in 1921, when the first encounter took place between Fascisti and Communists at Bologna, which marks the waning of Bolshevism and the rise of Fascismo.

But it was not an easy matter for the new movement to make its way, as in its laborious progress it met with end- less difficulties, and above all had to fight the apathy of the people and the general scepticism regarding it.

ITALIAN FASCISMO xi

Fascismo had to deal with peculiar mentalities, to fight various organisations, including the State, which felt itself being undermined by this new political group, while its chief enemy, the Bolshevist faction, had made endless victims among its rank and file during the past.

It was not possible, however, for the Fascisti to deal with the Communists otherwise than by using violence, as normal means would have been entirely inadequate against the seditious elements (made all the more arrogant by the manifest impotence of the State and the laisser faire attitude of public opinion), in view of the daily increas- ing number of crimes committed against property and peaceful individuals.

Fascisti, moreover, started a strong movement against the composition of the Chamber, maintaining that it no longer represented the nation, that it had grown pre- maturely old and must, therefore, be quickly dissolved and a new appeal to the electors be made as soon as possible. They had been deeply concerned, on the other hand, with the Italian economic crisis, which, according to Edmondo Rossoni, the able organiser and Secretary-General of the Syndicalist Corporations, could not be overcome without an increase in the production of commodities to be obtained by a more rigorous discipline in the labour question; thus an economic victory followed the victory on the battlefields. The masses of the working classes, many of them previously Socialists and Communists, enrolled themselves among the Fascisti syndicates scattered all over Italy and were able to settle various important disputes.

The alleged dissension between Fascismo and the Italian Monarchy had always been a favourite weapon in the hands of the anti-Fascisti elements. The Hon. Mussolini, in his speech at the great Fascista Mass Meeting at Naples on 24th October of last year, clearly manifested his party

xii A NOTE ON

feeling in the matter, as can be gathered by his own words uttered there (see Part IV. page 171, of this collection). The attitude of Fascismo towards Monarchy clearly defined by its leader was very opportune, and contributed to the greater popularity of the movement throughout the country, where this institution rests on a solid base, represents Italian unity, and is to-day associated with its illustrious representative, King Victor Emmanuel III., an example of domestic virtue in private life, one of the most cultured men of our times, beloved by all classes, who at the front proved himself the first soldier among soldiers and gained the popularity of the whole nation.

The Army was secretly or openly greatly in favour of Fascismo, the successful efforts of which to save the country from the Social-Communist factions it could not forget. The soldiers could, therefore, never have marched against the Fascisti—who represented Italian patriotism. The very generals of the regular Army, such as Generals Fara, Ceccherini, Graziani, de Bono, and others, in black shirts, themselves directed the famous “March to Rome.”

With reference to religion, Mussolini’s Government pro- mised to respect all creeds, especially Catholicism. At Ouchy he said to the Press: ‘My spirit is deeply religious. Religion is a formidable force which must be respected and defended. I am, therefore, against anti-clerical and atheistic demo- cracy, which represents an old and useless toy. I maintain that Catholicism is a great spiritual power, and I trust that the relations between Church and State will henceforward be more friendly.’ And while the Minister for Public Instruction, Senator Gentile, has introduced compulsory religious instruction in the elementary public schools, the Under-Secretary of the same Ministry, Hon. Dario Lupi, one of Mussolini’s closest friends, issued, as one of his first acts, a timely and peremptory order to the school authorities

ITALIAN .FASCISMO xiii

requesting the immediate replacement of the Crucifix and the picture of the King.

Fascismo, which during the last months of 1922 had seen its membership increasing by leaps and bounds, finally won with a note of fanaticism the very heart of the country from the Alps to the southern shores of Sicily. Latterly it had exercised the functions of State almost undisturbed, and did not spare either institutions or indi- viduals in the pursuit of its end. It had demanded and suc- cessfully obtained the dismissal of the Pangermanist Mayor of Bolzano, Herr Perathoner; it had occupied the Giunta Provinciale of Trento, causing the removal of the Italian Governor, maintaining that he had been too weak in his attitude towards arrogant Pangermanists in that region; and had acted successfully as arbitrator in the labour dispute between Cantiere Orlando of Leghorn and the Government itself. It was no wonder, then, if after the big October meeting of last year at Naples and the ‘March to Rome” with the famous Quadrumvirate formed by General Cesare - de Bono, Hon. Cesare Maria de Vecchi, Italo Balbo, and Michele Bianchi, then Secretary-General of the Party, Mussolini, the creator of this mighty movement, was sum- moned by the King to form the new Fascista Cabinet.

It might be a cause of surprise to the superficial observer, this sudden ascent to power of a party which, a few days before it took the government into its hands, had been threatened with martial law, an order which the King wisely refused to sign, thus avoiding civil war. But whoever has followed the development and progress of Fascismo during the last four years, considers its great strength and power in the country, its formidable membership (now over a million strong) compared with that of any other party (the Socialists are reduced to seventy thousand), and takes into account the high and patriotic principles on which this movement is

xiv A NOTE ON

founded will not wonder that the party got to power through an extra-parliamentary crisis. We cannot and must not forget that these “ black shirts’””—as the Fascisti are called—have really saved Italy from Bolshevism, which was sucking her very life-blood, and that they are thereby entitled to the gratitude of our country and of the world at large. “The Moscow conspirators, whose object was the overthrow of Western civilisation, swept with a wide net,’ writes Lord Rothermere in his recent article, Mussolini: What Europe owes to him. “They made great headway in Germany, especially in Berlin; they seized Budapest under the direction of a convicted thief, but it was upon Italy they counted most, and when Mussolini struck against them in Italy, he was fighting a battle for all Europe.”

I do not think—and the Hon. Mussolini agreed with me in one of the conversations I had with him—that people abroad, especially in England and the United States, know much about Fascismo. It had been diagnosed as a sporadic revolutionary movement, which sooner or later would be put down by drastic measures. Not many have realised that in this after-war period there is no more important historical phenomenon than Fascismo, which, as our Prime Minister said, “is at the same time political, military, religious, economic and syndicalist, and represents all the hopes, the aspirations and requirements of the people.” The popular air “Giovinezza” (Youth), the official song of the Fascisti, with its thrilling notes, which magnetised the heart of the people, the characteristic black shirts with the shield of the ‘“‘fascio” on their breasts, the “gagliardetti” (Fascisti standards)—all these have largely contributed towards rousing a delirium of enthusiasm among the masses for the great cause.

But three other important elements account for the success of the “National Fascista Party” (as it is now

ITALIAN FASCISMO xv

officially constituted, with its “Great National Council”), namely its military organisation, its powerful Press, and, above all, the personality of Mussolini himself, the ‘‘ Duce,” as he is called. The military organisation is entirely on Roman lines, with Roman names of “legion,” “Consul,” “cohort,” “Senior,” ‘‘Centurion,” ‘“Decurion,” ‘‘Triari,’’ etc. The symbol of Fascismo is the same as that of the lictors of Imperial Rome—a bundle of rods with an axe in the centre—and the Fascista salute is that of the ancient Romans—by outstretched arm. The coins which are being struck bear on one side the King’s head and on the other the Roman ‘“‘fascio;” in the same way special gold coins of one hundred lire will be issued shortly, to celebrate the first anniversary of the “March to Rome.” There is the most rigorous discipline, and the motto: ‘No discussion, only obedience,” has proved of immense value in all the sudden mobilisations and demobilisations carried out, often at a few hours notice, which could give points to the best organised army in the world. On the occasion of the mass meeting preceding the ‘March to Rome,” which was attended by over half a million men, in less than twenty-four hours forty thousand left the town in perfect order and without the slightest hitch.

Fascismo possesses a large Press, which comprises five dailies and a large number of weekly, fortnightly and monthly publications and a publishing house in Milan.

But the decisive factor in the great victory of Fascismo is due to the personality of the great leader of this army of Italy’s salvation, the very soul of this mighty movement.

Few public men of our time have had a more rapid, brilliant and interesting career than Benito Mussolini, the son of a blacksmith. He is the youngest of his predecessors in this office, as he was born only forty years ago at Pre-

xvi A NOTE ON

dappio, in the province of Forli, where the villagers still call him simply “Our Benit.’”’ He was deeply attached to his mother, Rosa Maltoni, and her death caused him intense sorrow. He has one sister, Edvige, and a younger brother, Arnaldo, who, since the elder one has become Prime Minister, has taken his place as editor of IJ Popolo @’Italia. Mussolini first worked in his father’s forge and then, having occupied for a time the position of village schoolmaster, emigrated to Switzerland, from which country he was, however, expelled on account of articles he had written advocating the Marxist doctrines. Returning once more to Italy, he became an active member of the Socialist Party and finally editor of its organ, the Avanti. Upon the outbreak of war in 1914, with his keen political insight, Mussolini saw the necessity of Italian intervention, and in consequence was forced to leave the official Socialist Party, giving up all the positions he held in it. He founded his Popolo d'Italia, and began fiercely to sound the trumpets of war, inciting his country to abandon her neutral attitude and to throw in her lot with the Allies. He gained his end, and in 1915 he went to the front as a simple soldier in the 11th Bersagliere Regiment. In 1917, as the result of the bursting of a shell, he received thirty-eight simultaneous wounds; he was obliged to go to hospital, was promoted on the field, and invalided out of the Army. He then returned to Milan, and having resumed the editorship of his paper, the Popolo d’Italia, began his political battles, and continued to fight through its columns, spurring his country- men on to final victory.

With no exaggeration it can be stated that since the advent to power of Mussolini every day has seen a steady advance in the direction of the rebuilding of the country within and a notable enhancement of our prestige abroad. His strenuous everyday work is inspired by an indomitable

ITALIAN FASCISMO xvii

determination to make Italy worthy of the glories of Vittorio Veneto, strengthened and disciplined, and he will spare neither himself nor those around him in his attempt to bring about its realisation.

He wishes to secure Italy’s rightful position in the world. Mussolini’s foreign policy of dignity, honesty and justice has already been outlined in his opening speech before the Chamber, and can be summarised thus: ‘No imperialism, no aggressions, but an attitude which shall do away with the policy of humility which has made Italy more like the Cinderella and humble servant of other nations. Respect for international treaties at no matter what cost. Fidelity and friendship towards the nations that give Italy serious proofs of reciprocating it. Maintenance of Eastern equili- brium, on which depends the tranquillity of the Balkan States and, therefore, European and world peace.”

It is enough to cast an eye on the numerous legisla- tive and administrative work accomplished by Mussolini’s Government in these first eleven months to convince one- self that he is in deep earnest as to the vast programme of reconstruction he means to carry through. With reference to domestic matters, the Fascista Government has passed a great number of bills and projects of laws concerning the Electoral Reform Bill approved by the Chamber last July, radical reform of the entire school system, institution of the National Militia, and abolition of the Guardie Regie (which was a poor substitute for the Carabineers), industrialisation of Public Services (Posts, Telegraphs, Railways), abolition of Death Duties between near relations, enactment of Decree on the Eight Hours Work Bill, reformation of the Civil Law Codes, reduction of Ministerial departments, now only nine, which formerly were sixteen, and formation of the recent Ministry of National Economy, under which are grouped various others: Industry, Agriculture, Labour,

b

xviii A NOTE ON

etc., reduction of the National Debt by over a milliard, a comforting contribution towards the balance of the Budget, as is gathered by the speech delivered in June, at Milan, by the Minister of Finance, Hon. De Stefani.

Mussolini, besides having established a real discipline (there are no more strikes since the Fascista Government is in power), and having fully restored the authority of the State, has shown himself to be the most practical anti-waste advocate which the world has yet known. As to foreign policy, besides adhering to the Washington Disarm- ament Conference, and having signed conventions relative to the laying of cables for a direct telegraphic communication with North, Central and South America, negotiated im- portant commercial treaties with Canada, Russia, Spain, Lithuania, Poland, Siam, Finland, Esthonia, etc., and having exercised beneficial influence in the Ruhr conflict and in the Lausanne Conference, has been an element of equilibrium for the new after-war international policy in the world.

The selection of his speeches contained in this volume is not a mere translation, since, in fact, the exact equivalent of this book as it has been arranged, classified and edited is not to be found in any other language. These speeches, illustrated by the valuable prefatory notes, almost all of which have been supplied to me by one who has been closely associated with Mussolini during the whole of his political career, serve, in my opinion, as could no biography, to reveal the mind, character and personality of Mussolini him- self. Delivered at intervals throughout the various stages of his career, from Socialist to Fascista Prime Minister, they enable the reader to follow intimately the events which led up to the Fascista Revolution and its leader’s attainment of his present strong position. The forcible and sober style of his character, shorn of every unnecessary

ITALIAN FASCISMO xix

word, betrays the dynamic force and intense earnestness of this man, who has been compared to Cromwell for his drastic and dictatorial methods in the Chamber, and to Napoleon for his eagle-like perception, for his decisiveness and his marvellous power of leadership.

Mussolini is a volcanic genius, a bewitcher of crowds. He seems a regular warrior, with an indomitable daring, great physical and moral courage, and he has seen death near him without wavering. He is the real type of Roman Emperor, with a severe bronzed face, but which hides a kind and generous heart. He is what people call a real “self-made man,’ and is a great lover of the violin and of all kinds of sport: fencing, cycling, flying, riding and motoring. Mussolini gets all he wants and quickly, and, as all his party do, knows exactly what he does want.

Apart from all that has been said, the present collection of speeches, besides showing Mussolini’s strong hand in the difficult art of statesmanship, displays clearly in almost every page (and so, possibly, the book may also appeal to others than politicians), additional important elements which are not usually found in a volume of political speeches, namely a richness of sympathy for mankind, a blunt straightforwardness, a gentleness of soul together with exceptional moral strength, pure idealism, which lift him not only above party politics, but also high above the average of mankind.

Such is the builder of New Italy, and the enthusiasm and deep confidence which Mussolini has inspired in our country, and the unanimous approval his work has prompted abroad, are a good omen for Italy’s future fortunes and for the welfare of the world at large.

BERNARDO QUARANTA di SAN SEVERINO.

Siena, Via S. Quirico, N.1. October 1923.

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(English Translation) FASCISTA NATIONAL PARTY

FASCISTI OF ALL ITALY!

Our movement has been crowned with success. The leader of our Party now holds the political power of the State for Italy and abroad. While this New Government represents our triumph, it celebrates, at the same time, our victory in the name of those who by land and by sea promoted it; and it accepts also, for the purpose of pacification, men from other parties, provided they are true to the cause of the Nation. The Italian Fascisti are too intelligent to wish to abuse their victory.

FAscisT1!

The supreme Quadrumvirate, which has resigned its powers in favour of the Party, thanks you for the magnificent proof of courage and of discipline which you have given, and salutes you. You have proved yourselves worthy of the fortunes and of the future of your Fatherland.

Demobilise in the same perfectly orderly manner in which you assembled for this great achievement, destined—as we firmly believe—to open a new era in the history of Italy. Return now to | your usual occupations, as, in order to arrive at the summit of her fortunes, Italy needs to work. May nothing disturb the glory of these days through which we have just passed—days of superb passion and of Roman greatness.

Long live Italy! Long live Fascismo!

THE QUADRUMVIRATE.

xxi

CONTENTS

FacsIMILE LETTER INTRODUCTION: A NoTE on ITALIAN FAscismo

REPRODUCTION OF THE ORIGINAL OF THE MANIFESTO ISSUED BY THE Hon. MussoLint AFTER HE anp His Party SUCCEEDED TO THE GOVERNMENT 3 ‘ 3 A ° ;

ENGLISH TRANSLATION

PART I MUSSOLINI THE “SOCIALIST ”

“Do NOT THINK THAT BY TAKING AWAY MY MEMBERSHIP CARD YOU WILL TAKE AWAY MY FAITH IN THE CAUSE”’ .

(Speech delivered at Milan, 25th November 1914. )

PART II MUSSOLINI THE “MAN OF THE WAR” For THE LIBERTY OF HUMANITY AND THE FUTURE OF ITALY . (Speech delivered at Parma, 13th December 1914.)

“ EITHER WAR OR THE END OF ITALY’sS NAME AS A GREAT POWER ”’ (Speech delivered at Milan, 25th January 1915.)

“To THE COMPLETE VANQUISHING OF THE Huns ”’

(Speech delivered at Sesto San Giovanni, 1st December 1917. )

“No Turninec Back!” (Speech delivered at Rome, 24th February 1918.)

THE FATAL VICTORY (Speech delivered at 'Bologns, aath May 1338. )

“In Honour OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE ”’ (Speech delivered at Milan, 8th A onl ou )

THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS (Speech delivered at Milan, Zot Ontier 1918, )

In CELEBRATION OF VICTORY : (Speech delivered at Milan, ‘gith Notember 1978. ye xxiii

PAGE vi

XX

xxi

18

25

39

37

49

52

58

XXiV : CONTENTS

PART III MUSSOLINI THE “FASCISTA FRIEND OF THE PEOPLE” PAGE WorkKMEN’s RicHtTs AFTER THE WAR . . Os (Speech delivered at Dalmine, noth M veh GAS ) SACRIFICE, WORK, AND PRODUCTION . . OF

(Speech delivered at Milan, 5th February 1920, )

‘(WE ARE NOT AGAINST LABOUR, BUT AGAINST THE SOCIALIST PARTY, IN AS FAR AS IT REMAINS ANTI-ITALIAN” . = : 71

(Speech delivered at Milan, 24th May 1920.)

FascisMo’s INTERESTS FOR THE WORKING CLASSES : < 45 (Speech delivered at Ferrava, 4th April 1921 .)

“‘ My FATHER WAS A BLACKSMITH AND I HAVE WORKED WITH Him; He Bent JRON, BUT I HAVE THE HARDER TASK OF BENDING SOULS) =: 2 s : A = ; 2 - 79 (Speech delivered at Milan, 6th December 1922.)

LABOUR TO TAKE THE FIRST PLACE IN NEw ITALY . a : 82 (Speech delivered at Rome, 6th January 1923.)

PART IV MUSSOLINI THE “FASCISTA”

THE THREE DECLARATIONS AT THE First Fascista MEETING . a is7 (Speech delivered at Milan, 23rd March 1919.)

OUTLINE OF THE AIMS AND PROGRAMME OF FASCISMO . : a Oe (Speech delivered at Milan, 22nd July 1919.)

FASCISMO AND THE RIGHTS OF VICTORY : : + tog (Speech delivered at Florence, 9th Oclober rere)

THE Tasks OF FAscIsMO . - 108 (Speech delivered at Tyieste, ‘20th September 1920.)

FASCISMO AND THE PROBLEMS OF FOREIGN POLICY : é skort (Speech delivered at Trieste, 6th February 1921.)

How FascisMo WAS CREATED. : . 134 (Speech delivered at Bologia, oad April 109k a)

THE ItaLy WE WANT WITHIN, AND HER FOREIGN RELATIONS welds (Speech delivered at Udine.)

CONTENTS XXV

PAGE “THE PIAVE AND VITTORIO VENETO MARK THE BEGINNING OF New ITaty ” ; . So (Speech Gehuared at Rritions: 2 ath September 1922.) THE Fascista DAWNING oF NEw ITALY : : = ror

(Speech delivered at Milan, 6th Oeiober rere )

“ THE MOMENT HAS ARRIVED WHEN THE ARROW MUST LEAVE THE Bow OR THE CoRD WILL BREAK ”’ : ely E (Speech delivered at Naples, 26th Oetobey 1922) )

PART V

MUSSOLINI THE “ FASCISTA MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT ”

FASCISMO AND THE NEW PROVINCES . - eros (Speech delivered in the Chamber, 21st uae Toer )

THE QUESTION OF MONTENEGRO’S INDEPENDENCE ; = 89 (Same speech delivered in the Chamber, 21st June 1921. )

D’ANNUNZIO AND FIUME . : 192 (Same speech ddiivered 4 in the Chanter, aist ae 1921, )

ITaLy, SIONISM, AND THE ENGLISH MANDATE IN PALESTINE . - 194 (Same speech delivered in the Chamber, 21st June 1921.)

THE ATTITUDE OF FASCISMO TOWARDS COMMUNISM AND SOCIALISM . 196 (Same speech delivered in the Chamber, 21st June 1921.)

Tue ATTITUDE OF FASCISMO TOWARDS THE POPULAR PARTY. THE VATICAN AND SOCIAL DEMOCRACY 4 ze 2OL (Same speech delivered in the Chamber, ast June 1921, )

PART VI MUSSOLINI THE “FASCISTA PRIME MINISTER”

A NEw CROMWELL IN THE PARLIAMENT 2) 209 (Speech delivered in the Chamber, 16th November 1922, )

THE FOREIGN POLICY OF THE FASCISTA GOVERNMENT . ‘ 210 (Same speech delivered in the Chamber, 16th November 1922. ‘ae

RNVE CONTENTS

PAGE THe Poricy oF FaAscisMo FoR ITALY: EcoNoMy, WoRK AND DISCIPLINE ; 215

(Same speech deaneved in the Chambon 16th 'N guanber 1922, )

*‘ CONSCIENTIOUS GENERAL DIAGNOSIS OF THE CONDITIONS OF THE

CoUNTRY AND ITS FOREIGN PoLicy” . ~E 2i9 (Speech delivered before the Senate, 27th N ome ee )

“T REMAIN THE HEAD OF FASCISMO, ALTHOUGH THE HEAD OF THE

ITALIAN GOVERNMENT ” : 5 ee) (Speech delivered in i onton, iath Beceuber 1922. )

“Our Task IN History IS TO MAKE A UNITED STATE OF THE

ITaLian NaTION ” Z 5 7 E2zo (Speech delivered at ome) 2nd J ae 1923. )

THE ADVANCE IN THE RUHR DISTRICT ? 230 (Speech delivered at Rome, 15th January 1923, bepes he Cabins )

THE GOVERNMENT OF SPEED E 234

(Speech delivered at Rome, 19th J. ey 1623, at the pera eaetr af Motov Transport Company.)

THE MARCH OF EVENTS ON THE RuuR. THE POSITION OF ITALY 2) 8235 (Speech delivered at Rome, 23rd January 1923, before the Cabinet.) THE RuHR, THE CONFERENCE OF LAUSANNE, AND THE PORT OF

MEMEL - 240

(Speech delivered at Bae, Ist Pulp nets Sees ae Caley

RATIFICATION OF THE WASHINGTON TREATY OF NAVAL DISARMAMENT 243 (Speech delivered before the Chamber of Deputies, 6th February 1923.)

MESSAGE FROM THE Hon. MUSSOLINI TO THE ITALIANS IN AMERICA UPON THE OCCASION OF THE SIGNING OF THE CONVENTION FOR THE LAYING OF CABLES BETWEEN ITALY AND THE AMERICAN CoNTINENT ; : : “ : : : . « 245

(Rome, 6th February 1923.)

For THE CARRYING OUT OF THE TREATY OF RAPALLO . : - 247

(Prefatory remarks to the Deputies, 8th February 1923, accompanying the Project of Law presented by the Hon. Mussolini, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Prime Minister.)

THE AGREEMENTS OF SANTA MARGHERITA. ITALY AND YUGOSLAVIA 251 (Speech delivered before the Chamber of Deputies, 10th February 1923.)

QUESTIONS OF FOREIGN POLICY BEFORE THE SENATE. THE oe FIuME; ZARA AND DALMATIA . “e258

(Speech delivered before the Senate, 16th Febeuaey 1923, )

CONTENTS XXVii

PAGE A REVIEW oF EUROPEAN POLITICS IN THEIR RELATION WITH ITALY 264 (Speech delivered before the Cabinet, 2nd March 1923.)

THE ITALO-YUGOSLAV CONFERENCE FOR THE COMMERCIAL TREATY 271 (Speech delivered at Rome, 6th March 1923.)

“ History TELLS Us THAT STRICT FINANCE HAS BROUGHT NATIONS TO SECURITY” . 272

.

(Speech delivered at the Minsiry of Pongacr oth March 1923.)

“IT IS NOT THE ECONOMIC SYSTEM OF EUROPE ALONE THAT WE HAVE TO RESTORE TO ITS FULL EFFICIENCY ” . : ; see 74:

(Speech delivered at Rome, 18th March 1923.)

“ ONLY THOSE WHO PROFITED BY THE WAR GRUMBLED AND STILL GRUMBLE, CURSED AND STILL CURSE AT THE WAR” 3 peer 2 770)

(Speech delivered at Milan, 29th March 1923.)

“ PATRIOTISM IS NOT FORMED BY MERE Worps ”’ ; eee 77 (Speech delivered at Arosio, neay Milan, aah March 1925; )

QUESTIONS OF FOREIGN POLICY BEFORE THE CABINET . : a ksh (Speech delivered before the Cabinet, 7th April 1923.)

“MINE IS NOT A GOVERNMENT WHICH DECEIVES THE PEOPLE ” 2 254 (Speech delivered at Rome, 2nd June 1923.)

“ In TimE Past AS IN TIME PRESENT, WOMAN HAD ALWAYS A PREPONDERANT INFLUENCE IN SHAPING THE DESTINIES OF Humanity ” R E . 286

(Speech ier at Puiu, bed ies eee

““So LONG AS THESE STUDENTS AND THESE UNIVERSITIES EXIST, THE NATION CANNOT PERISH AND BECOME A SLAVE, BECAUSE UNI- VERSITIES SMASH FETTERS WITHOUT ALLOWING THE FORGING oF NEw ONEs ” 289

(Speech delivered at the aseoesiy of Bagin aya J une 1023, a

Iraty’s FoREIGN POLICY REGARDING GERMAN REPARATIONS, Hun- GARY, BULGARIA, AUSTRIA, YUGOSLAVIA, TURKEY, ae POLAND AND OTHER COUNTRIES . 2od

(Speech delivered before the Bevdes 8th Tum 1924. ‘

“THE INTERNAL POLicy ” . 306 (Speech delineéed before the ‘Sate. 8th iow 1923. )

** As SARDINIA HAS BEEN GREAT IN WAR, SO LIKEWISE WILL SHE BE GREAT IN PEACE” . - : : : jy 210)

(Speech delivered at Sassari (Sardinia), toth June 1923.)

XXViil CONTENTS

PAGE “ Men Pass AWAY, MAYBE GOVERNMENTS TOO, BUT Iraty LIVES AND WILL NEVER DIE” : : ‘ ‘ 3 F 323 (Speech delivered at Cagliari (Sardinia), 12th June 1923.) “ FascisMO WILL BRING A COMPLETE REGENERATION TO YOUR Lanp ” ; : : : . : é s 326 (Speech delivered at Iglesias (Sardinia), 13th June 1923.) “As WE HAVE REGAINED THE MASTERY OF THE AIR, WE DO NOT WANT THE SEA TO IMPRISON Us” 5 : A ? 2 328 (Speech delivered at Florence, 19th June 1923.) ‘« ] PRomIsE YOU—AND GoD Is MY WITNESS—THAT IT SHALL CONTINUE Now AND ALWAYS TO BE A HUMBLE SERVANT OF OUR ADORED | AT Ses ear’ : 5 5 : : : : A 330 (Speech delivered at Flovence, 19th June 1923.) “Tye VICTORY OF THE PIAVE WAS THE DECIDING FACTOR OF THE War” ‘ é 4 3 : : ; F : 331 (Speech delivered at Rome, 25th June 1923.) Tur RELATIONS BETWEEN ITALY AND THE UNITED STATES . - 335

(Speech delivered by the American Ambassador at Rome, 28th June 1923, and the Italian Prime Minister's reply.)

‘““Tup GREATNESS OF THE COUNTRY WILL BE ACHIEVED BY THE

New GENERATIONS ” : : c : : 343 (Speech delivered at Rome, 2nd July 1923.) Tur SITUATION ON THE RUHR AND OTHER QUESTIONS OF ForEIGN POLICY : : : . ‘ : . . : - 345 (Speech delivered 3rd July 1923, at the Council of Ministers.) Tur ELECTORAL REFORM BILL . : 347

(Speech delivered before the Chamber of Deputies, 16th July 1923.)

Tur MASSACRE OF THE ITALIAN DELEGATION FOR THE DELIMITATION OF THE GRECO-ALBANIAN FRONTIER - : : . - 363 (Rome, 27th August 1923.)

INDEX : . : . . : ‘ - - : - 365

PART I MUSSOLINI THE “SOCIALIST”

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MUSSOLINI THE “SOCIALIST”

“DO NOT THINK THAT BY TAKING AWAY MY MEMBERSHIP CARD YOU WILL TAKE AWAY MY FAITH IN THE CAUSE”

Speech delivered on 25th November 1914, at Milan, before the meeting of the Milanese Socialist Section, which had decreed Mussolini’s expulsion from the official Socialist Party.

In the fearless militarism of the dramatic speech with which this volume begins, the Socialistic activity of Benito Mussolini ends— of Benito Mussolini, who from the autumn of 1914 could have been considered the recognised and acclaimed leader of the Italian Socialist Party. He-had attained with giant strides the highest rank in the party’s hierarchy, namely the editorship of the Avaniz, the chief organ of the political and syndicalist movement. He had been a clever and aggressive writer in a weekly provincial paper of Forli, called La lotta di classe, and an ardent Sunday orator for the “ville” of Romagna. He had revealed himself a “comrade”’ of tremendous power at the Congress of Reggio Emilia, held in the summer of 1912, where he delivered a memorable speech bitterly criticising the flaccid mentality of Reformism then dominating the party.

It was within two months of his success at Reggio Emilia that the revolutionary leaders, feeling the need of strong men, entrusted to Benito Mussolini the editorship of the Avanti, which was the most powerful weapon of the party.

The following speech was delivered before a furious crowd of not less than three thousand holders of membership cards, who hastened from other centres adjacent to Milan, amid a diabolical tumult in an atmosphere of organised hostility, which was the more violent by contrast with the fanatical devotion which Benito Mussolini had

1 Class struggle. 3

4 THE SOCIALIST

evoked during the two years in which he had been the undisputed mouthpiece of the party.

This atmosphere of intolerance and hatred had been fostered by the neutralist adversaries who had succeeded to the management of the Avanti after the present head of the Italian Government had left the party.

As is known, the excited meeting held in the spacious hall of the Casa del Popolo closed with a resolution for the expulsion of the new heretic, which was passed, except by a negligible minority of about fifty supporters, who afterwards stood by Mussolini in the victorious campaign for intervention.

My fate is decided, and it seems as if the sentence were to be executed with a certain solemnity. (Voices: “Louder! Louder!’’)

You are severer than ordinary judges who allow the fullest and most exhaustive defence even after the sentence, since they give ten days for the production of the motives of appeal. If, then, it is decided, and you still think that I am unworthy of fighting any longer for your cause— (‘“Yes! yes!” is shouted by some of the most excited among the audience.)—then expel me. But I have a right to exact a legal act of accusation, and in this meeting the public prosecutor has not yet intervened with regard either to the political or to the moral issues. I shall, therefore, be condemned by an “order of the day’ which means nothing. In a case like this, I ought to have been told that I was unworthy to belong any longer to the party for definite reasons, in which case I should have accepted my fate. This, however, has not been said, and a great many of you—if not all—will leave this room with an uneasy conscience. (Deafening voices: ‘No! no!’)

With reference to the moral question, I repeat once more that I am ready to submit my case to any Committee which cares to make investigations and to issue a report.

As regards the question of discipline, I should say that

THE SOCIALIST 3

this has not been examined, because there are just and fitting precedents for my changed attitude, and if I do not quote them it is because I feel myself to be secure and have an easy conscience.

You think to sign my death-warrant, but you are mistaken. To-day you hate me, because in your heart of hearts you still love me, because . . . (Applause and hisses interrupt the speaker.)

But you have not seen the last of me! Twelve years of my party life are, or ought to be, a sufficient guarantee of my faith in Socialism. Socialism is something which takes root in the heart. What divides me from you now is not a small dispute, but a great question over which the whole of Socialism is divided. Amilcare Cipriani can no longer be your candidate because he declared, both by word of mouth and in writing, that if his seventy-five years allowed him, he would be in the trenches fighting the European military reaction which was stifling revolution.

Time will prove who is right and who is wrong in the for- midable question which now confronts Socialism, and which it has never had to face before in the history of humanity, since never before has there been such a conflagration as exists to-day, in which millions of the proletariat are pitted one against the other. This war, which has much in common with those of the Napoleonic period, is not an everyday event. Waterloo was fought in 1814; perhaps 1914 will see some other principles fall to the ground, will see the salva- tion of liberty, and the beginning of a new era in the world’s history—(Loud applause greets this fitting historical comparison.)—and especially in the history of the pro- letariat, which at all critical moments has found me here with you in this same spot, just as it found me in the street.

But I tell you that from now onwards I shall never forgive nor have pity on anyone who in this momentous

6 THE SOCIALIST

hour does not speak his mind for fear of being hissed or shouted down. (This cutting allusion to the many promi- nent absentees is understood and warmly applauded by the meeting.)

I shall neither forgive nor have pity on those who are purposely reticent, those who show themselves hypocrites and cowards. And you will find me still on your side. You must not think that the middle classes are enthusiastic about our intervention. They snarl and accuse us of temerity, and fear that the proletariat, once armed with bayonets, will use them for their own ends. (Mingled applause, and cries of ““No! no!”’)

Do not think that in taking away my membership card you will be taking away my faith in the cause, or that you will prevent my still working for Socialism and revolution. (Hearty applause follows these last words of Mussolini, uttered with great energy and profound conviction. He descends from the platform and makes his way down the great hall.)

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MUSSOLINI THE “MAN OF THE WAR”

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